No theory forbids me to say "Ah!" or "Ugh!", but it forbids me the bogus theorization of my "Ah!" and "Ugh!" - the value judgments. - Theodor Julius Geiger (1960)

André Kieserling (born 1962) has done research in organizations, based on Niklas Luhmann's Systems Theory of Society.

In his book "Selbstbeschreibung und Fremdbeschreibung", Kieserling examines how organizations present themselves to the outside world and how this process is influenced by various factors such as culture, power dynamics and social norms.

In his book "Kommunikation unter Anwesenden: Studien über Interaktionssysteme", Kieserling examines communication patterns within organizations and what they mean for the functioning and dynamics of organizations.

In the book "Die Gespaltene Gesellschaft" (The Split Society), André Kieserling and Jürgen Kaube write about the effects of migration, be it migration to other nation states, or migration within nation states. Cities are determined from their socio-historical beginnings by the presence of foreign and non-native speakers. The local population often does not form a group within them in the sense of mutual knowledge and strong networks, but many newcomers do. Due to its population size, the city favors professional motives for community building, belonging to ethnic, political or sexual minorities, as well as cultural preferences. In cities, such minorities can cultivate their way of life much more easily and with less resistance than in villages.

The number and group nature of the newcomers and local inhabitants also determine whether a society can develop. But, their stability strongly depends on the behavior of the actors in such environments. Social problems can be observed in highly ethnic areas: high dependence of the residents on the welfare state, above-average crime rates or poor educational success. Kieserling and Kaube show that in such neighborhoods there are now, for example, migrants who have become rich, have bought houses and now rent them to Germans. There are German-Turkish mosque associations that are active in municipal youth care and thus come into contact with the German welfare authorities. There are German-Turkish high schools and academic careers. Even as the differences narrow, the prejudices remain (e.g. "the migrants must have stolen the goods they subsequently sold, or else they would not have become rich"). Such prejudices are related to the fear that foreigners will take over traditional territory and buy anything they can get their hands on. The fact that this also requires German sellers and company closures is less emphasized.

The greater willingness of Turkish families to save, to be industrious and to have a sense of family is recognized, although the latter is also described as a clan mentality. The Turkish climbers complained of a lack of commitment to work, a lack of willingness to make sacrifices and insufficient unconditional commitment to the family, a commitment to consumption and the disregard for common interests, especially among the Germans of the lower class. So, the Turkish climbers are on the verge of demanding a more Protestant work ethic from Germans. Kieserling and Kaube conclude that, although society produces a myriad of such conflicts and paradoxical behaviors, it ensures that the thresholds for even the most violent conflicts spilling over into other social areas are very high, through a strong differentiation of roles and functional areas. "There is no social top that one would only have to occupy in order to impose simple confrontations on everyone."

"There are many ways to evade political coercion: dissent, migration, withdrawal of resources, permitted indifference. Without the use of massive violence and its ideological accompaniment, the spread of one conflict to society as a whole seems hardly possible. War succeeds in this, but only in the sense that the political system, by not isolating its crises, then becomes a problem for all other subsystems and reduces their efficiency, on which it in turn depends."